Showing posts with label Israel elections. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Israel elections. Show all posts

Tuesday, August 25, 2026

WAR UPDATE 117 Fighting for our Future - Shmuel Veffer Galilee Green

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Gadi Eisenkot - Moti Leitner - Bibi Netanyahu

WAR UPDATE 117

Fighting for our Future

Israel elections are only two months away on October 27 and the campaign chaos is in full swing.

PM Netanyahu is seeking to maintain control of the government. His main opponent at this point is Gadi Eisenkot. You may recall Eisenkot who was a former Chief of Staff of the IDF and was a member of Benny Gantz's opposition party.

After October 7, Netanyahu invited Gantz and Eisenkot to join his war cabinet. It didn't last long as they were at odds with Netanyahu and had aligned themselves with the Biden Administration seeking to topple Netanyahu from power. (I wrote about the intrigue in my book Faith Under Fire) 

Today, Gantz has left the political scene and Eisenkot formed a new party, Yashar, positioned to the Center-Left, however "right-wing" when it comes to security. 

Bibi's Likud Party and Gadi's Yashar Party are polling neck to neck at this point. 

A NEW PARTY

One of the more interesting developments this cycle is a new Haredi (Ultra-Orthodox) party that calls itself “The Haredi Public.” Its leader Moti Leitner launched the campaign with a blunt message: the long-standing Haredi political leadership has grown detached from the people it claims to represent, and this time the Haredi public itself must take responsibility.

That single word — responsibility — is the real issue before us.

For years the question of shared national burden has been an election issue. The war that began on October 7 forced it to become a major national issue. While tens of thousands of families sent their sons and husbands into Gaza, Lebanon, and the other fronts, large sectors of the ultra-Orthodox community remained largely exempt. Those involved in full-time Torah study receive deferrals from service until they leave the study hall to work. In times of peace, the issue annoys Israelis. When we are in the middle of a three-year war, people get angry.

The new Haredi party does not solve the problem. It does, however, acknowledge it. It says that young men who are not learning full-time in yeshiva should serve in the army or in national service. It speaks about employment and economic self-sufficiency. Whether it draws votes mainly from the two veteran Haredi parties, or from ultra-Orthodox Israelis who previously stayed home or voted for Likud, is secondary. The deeper significance is that voices inside the Haredi world are beginning to say out loud what many have long felt: we cannot continue as we are.

This is not only a Haredi question. It is a national one.

A NATIONAL QUESTION

Our Torah is clear. When the nation goes to war, the burden is not meant to rest on a few. In the desert the tribes marched and fought together. In the days of the Judges and the Kings the call to arms went out to the people.

The exemption for those fully devoted to Torah has always existed in tension with the mitzvah of defending the Land and the people. When that exemption becomes the rule rather than the exception for an entire community, the moral and practical foundations of the state begin to crack.

Eisenkot has made equality of service one of the central pillars of his campaign. He speaks of expanding the ranks of the army so that no family is called up endlessly, and of requiring service, either military, national, or civil, from the overwhelming majority of young men.

Netanyahu’s government has moved more slowly. Bound by the political reality of its ultra-Orthodox partners, it has managed the draft crisis carefully, seeking gradual change while protecting the coalition.

Both men understand the threat from Hamas, Hezbollah, and Iran. The difference lies in how heavily they weigh the internal cost of continuing the present arrangement.

WE ARE ONE PEOPLE

I do not write these words to attack any community. The Haredi world has produced giants of Torah and acts of extraordinary kindness. Many individual ultra-Orthodox Jews already serve with quiet dedication. The problem is structural.

A Jewish state that asks some mothers to bury their sons while others are told their sons’ primary contribution is to remain in the study hall cannot easily and indefinitely sustain the trust required for national survival.

The appearance of this new Haredi list is a small but telling sign. It suggests that the pressure of war, economics, and public resentment is beginning to produce internal reckoning.

If the party crosses the electoral threshold, the total number of Haredi seats in the next Knesset may actually grow rather than shrink. That growth will matter only if it brings greater willingness to share the burden rather than simply more leverage to protect the old exemptions.

STILL AT WAR

We are still at war. The multi-front struggle is not finished.  Threats from Hezbollah, Hamas and from Iran have not disappeared. In such a time, leadership is measured by whether it strengthens the people or further divides them.

The next government, whether led by Netanyahu, by Eisenkot, or by some other combination, will have to decide whether it will continue treating the draft crisis as a political problem to be managed or confront it as a moral and strategic necessity.

The Torah does not allow us the luxury of permanent, large-scale exemptions when the nation is under attack. “Remember what Amalek did to you” is not only about external enemies. It is also a reminder that weakness and internal division invite the next blow.

May the Almighty grant us leaders who understand that the strength of Israel rests on the willingness of all its sons to stand together. And may He open the hearts of every community to the truth that shared responsibility is not a threat to Torah, but one of the conditions for its continued flourishing in this Land.

The election will decide names and numbers. The deeper choice is whether we will finally treat the burden of defending the Jewish people as a shared responsibility.

May we choose wisely.

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R. Shmuel Veffer and Sarah Eliana
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Thursday, January 24, 2013

What are Netanyahu's options after poor election showing?

What are Netanyahu's options after poor election showing?

Wednesday, January 23, 2013 |  Israel Today Staff  

 
 
Israel's election is over, and the final tally is more or less known. Now starts the real struggle over forging a stable governing coalition, and with the relatively poor showing by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanayhu's Likud Party, that's going to be no easy task.

In the previous Knesset, Likud had 27 seats and allied right-wing party Israel Beiteinu had another 15. The two parties decided to merge for the current election, but the scheme didn't pay off. Early polls predicted the combined Likud-Beiteinu would take 45 seats, but exit polls on Wednesday showed it had won just 31 mandates.

On top of that, the right-wing Jewish Home and the Orthodox Shas parties were less successful than predicted, winning just 11 seats apiece. That means the religious-right of the Israeli political spectrum will control just 60 out of 120 seats in the 19th Knesset, and Netanyahu will be unable to form a stable right-wing coalition.

The easiest option for Netanyahu will be to form a coalition with Jewish Home, a natural partner, and the surprise winner in this election, the centrist Yesh Atid party of former news anchor Yair Lapid, which became the second largest Knesset faction with 19 seats.

A Likud-Jewish Home-Yesh Atid coalition would have at least 61 seats when the final results are in, and any smaller parties added to the list would only bolster the government's stability.

Lapid has signaled his readiness to join a Netanyahu government. But, Yesh Atid is against continued government payouts to the Orthodox sector, which doesn't pay taxes or serve in the army, and therefore would be unlikely to sit in a coalition with Shas.

Netanyahu can form a stable government without Shas, but doing so would likely result in the Orthodox party doing all it could to help the left-wing factions stymie and ultimately bring down the new government.
Netanyahu would prefer to form as broad a coalition as possible, but Labor Party leader Shelley Yechimovich previously insisted that she would not sit in a unity government.

Hours after the polls closed on Tuesday, Yechimovich stated that there was still a very good chance of preventing Netanyahu from becoming the next prime minister, and she may be right.

If Lapid can be convinced to not join Netanyahu, that would leave the prime minister nearly unable to form a solid, stable coalition, and President Shimon Peres could opt to give Lapid a shot at the task.

With the backing of all the center and left-wing parties, excluding the three Arab factions and perhaps the extremist Meretz party, and with the support of Jewish Home (which despite being right-wing is capable of working with Yesh Atid), Lapid could potentially form a broader coalition than Netanyahu.

On the other hand, if Netanyahu, who has proved himself to be a skillful political negotiator, can convince Shas and Lapid to sit together, he could potentially form a very stable coalition with as many as 85 seats.
The days to come are certain to be intense, and the final outcome of this election is far from settled at this point.

http://www.israeltoday.co.il/NewsItem/tabid/178/nid/23638/Default.aspx